Brexit Debate Returns: Why Andy Burnham Must Open the Political Minefield
This is an AI translation into this language for easier reading. The original is the German version: open German original.
Andy Burnham is reviving the debate over Britain rejoining the EU — and risking his popularity in the process. Simon Jenkins argues that this step is urgent given the continuing impact of Brexit.
AI MODIFIEDTVS News AI, editorially supervised, presents Brexit Debate Returns: Why Andy Burnham Must Open the Political Minefield.
Andy Burnham is turning the European question back into a political minefield. The new British prime minister apparently wants to discuss whether the country should join the EU again — and, shortly after taking office, is putting his popularity at stake. That is precisely why, according to The Guardian commentary by Simon Jenkins, the debate is a sign of leadership, not recklessness.
In his commentary dated 30 October 2026, Jenkins writes that the debate is “divisive, painful and politically risky” for Burnham. It nevertheless has to take place: Brexit continues to damage the British economy, and a prime minister’s job is to question that trajectory and, where necessary, reform it.
Why the dispute over rejoining the EU is so delicate
The revived debate
For Burnham, this is about far more than a matter of foreign-policy principle. Moving closer to the EU would redefine Britain’s relationship with its largest trading partner. Turning away from it would put that same decision under scrutiny once again. Both directions run into differing voter expectations — and politically powerful opposing poles.
This is why opening the debate could immediately cost him popularity. Jenkins openly acknowledges the point and concedes that it is risky to put the prime minister’s popularity at stake so soon after taking office. His counterargument: the issue is urgent and will not disappear on its own. Anyone who does not address Brexit’s consequences leaves the debate to parties already convinced that Britain was better off out.
A finding with two sides
Jenkins also concedes that early forecasts of economic catastrophe proved wrong. This is an important qualification: Brexit was therefore not automatically the collapse feared by so many. At the same time, the commentator sees the costs accumulated since the country became detached from its largest trading partner as substantial.
Jenkins thus sets two levels side by side: The worst-case scenarios did not materialize. Nevertheless, the consequences of leaving have not disappeared. It is precisely this distinction that makes the debate challenging for Burnham — because he has to explain what benefit a new European solution would bring compared with the status quo.
Brexit’s scorecard: 60 percent regret it, one-third holds firm
The mood has changed
The opinion polls cited by Jenkins show clear dissatisfaction with Brexit. Almost 60 percent now consider it a mistake in hindsight, while only about one-third still support it. Among voters who originally backed leaving, almost one in four now regrets the decision.
This does not amount to a complete political break with Brexit. One-third still holds firm. But the number of regretful voters shows that the original enthusiasm no longer sets the terms of the debate alone. For Burnham, this opens a way to lead a debate in which the old dividing lines are no longer the only ones that count.
What this means for everyday life
Brexit’s consequences go far beyond being a political footnote. According to Jenkins, they extend into the economy, where Britain continues to bear the costs of the trading relationship severed in 2020. For you, this means: Anyone seeking to assess Brexit’s consequences must distinguish between the exaggerated catastrophe forecasts and the equally sweeping claim that leaving had no consequences.
The economic damage caused by the split is frequently expressed in the debate as a percentage of gross domestic product. Jenkins cites 6 to 8 percent as an estimate of the accumulated costs. This scale makes the outcome of the debate relevant: It concerns not only the symbolic question of national identity, but also the country’s economic orientation.
Why Burnham should not postpone the dispute
Political responsibility
The strongest part of Jenkins’s argument is not the economic comparison, but the new prime minister’s responsibility. Burnham must question Brexit and say whether it should be improved or replaced. A government that leaves the fundamental outcome untouched leaves the future of the trading relationship to the next parliamentary term.
The risk nevertheless remains considerable. A debate about rejoining the EU can harden political divisions, expose differing expectations of the country and weaken Burnham’s own popularity. The commentator does not conceal this. His message nevertheless remains: The price of avoidance could be higher because the economic consequences of the status quo persist.
A fair interim assessment
A sober assessment requires both sides of the scorecard: Early fears of economic catastrophe were overstated, while, according to Jenkins, Brexit caused significant accumulated costs. The debate itself is also no proof that rejoining the EU would automatically solve every problem. But it is an attempt to reopen the crucial question.
For Burnham, this means: He cannot play it safe politically. But nor can he pretend that the status quo carries no risk. In a world where, according to the polls cited, almost 60 percent consider Brexit a mistake and its additional costs are estimated at 6 to 8 percent of GDP, silence itself is a political decision.
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